Tag Archives: autonomy

“Memories of Another Day” An account of 1973 Baloch Struggle

The 1973-77 struggle for rights had proved to the Baloch people, and to the world, that the struggle for their rights could bear fruit with tenacious dedication and perseverance. The Baloch have not been cowed down by the ever-increasing presence of the army and have stood up for their rights, which no government here is ready to concede or even listen to. The Baloch have resorted to the use of arms only because their rights have been trampled upon and all other avenues of redress have been blocked.

by Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The Baloch resistance to the unwarranted and unjust military operations, after the equally illegal and unfair dismissal of Sardar Ataullah Mengal’s government in February 1973, only 10 months after being sworn in, was the most protracted, pervasive and forceful struggle which demonstrated the determination and resilience of the Baloch when faced with overwhelming odds.

The Mengal government was sworn in on May 1, 1972 amid hope and expectations, but from the first day, the Federal government created hurdles and problems. The Federal government among other things created a law and order situation in Lasbela by making supporters of Jam Ghulam Qadir take up arms against the provincial government alleging persecution. Mengal government had to raise a Levies force to quell the trouble as Federal government refused to send help. Jam Ghulam Qadir, the Jam of Lasbela, later became the Chief Minister after Mengal government dismissal.

Continue reading “Memories of Another Day” An account of 1973 Baloch Struggle

JSQM Calls For Independent Sindh

Hundreds of thousands attend JSQM ‘Freedom March’

* Demonstrators denounce Pakistan Resolution of 1940 and chant slogans in favour of ‘Sindhu Desh

By Asghar Azad

Excerpts;

…. JSQM Calls For Independent Sindh: “We Sindhis now disown the Pakistan Resolution, say it good bye and demand independence of Sindh according to historical status”.

Hundreds of thousands attend JSQM ‘Freedom March’ in Karachi, Sindh.

Demonstrators denounce Pakistan Resolution of 1940 and chant slogans in favour of ‘Sindhu Desh’

Addressing the participants, Jeay Sindh Qaumi Muhaz Chairman, Bashir Qureshi said that Sindh had voluntarily merged itself into the country under 1940’s Pakistan Resolution but now its people were disowning it as the resolution had failed to protect rights and autonomy of the province during last 65 years.

The Sindhi nationalist leader announced that his party accepted Urdu speaking population in Sindh during the partition and considered them part of Sindh, adding, the Urdu speaking population would have to take steps for Sindh and its people sincerely and would prove their attachment with Sindh. …..

To read complete report » Daily Times

http://dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=20123\24\story_24-3-2012_pg12_5

Betraying the 1940 spirit?

The Pakistan Resolution promised to safeguard the rights of the Muslim minorities living in the Muslim-majority provinces of British India; it sought independence and sovereignty for those provinces outside the independent Indian Union.

However, the struggle took a new turn after the creation of Pakistan, when Bengali, Pashtun, and subsequently Sindhi and Baloch nationalist movements rose to press for provincial autonomy. Later, a powerful federation embracing the idea of the ideological state also led to alienating the country’s religious minorities. Many have come to live in fear because discrimination against them has been given legal cover, in effect, depriving them of equal rights. Here, leaders from various political parties speak of their respective party’s stance on the issues that haunt Pakistan’s minorities, and on ways to redress the problem…

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Mir Hasil Bizenjo, National Party

National party is secular, democratic & secular. We do not believe in minorities, all citizens are equal & must not be discriminated against on the basis of caste, creed or religion. It is matter of great concern for us that the state discriminate against own people in the name of religion.

We have to fight against this constitutionally by making Pakistan a secular state. National party has protested in each & every case of discrimination against Hindus & Christian. Hindus in Balochistan are being victimised by religious groups & criminals. Religious fundamentalism is a major threat to non-Muslim communities, against which political parties & civil society must rise. The solution is a strong, secular & democratic Pakistan.

Courtesy: http://www.dawn.com/2012/03/23/betraying-the-1940-spirit.html

Summary of Musharraf’s Article: You don’t get it, the Baloch deserve to be killed by the Army.

Understanding Balochistan

By Pervez Musharraf

There is no doubt that Balochistan is the most backward and most deprived province of Pakistan. Successive governments since our independence are responsible for their share of the neglect suffered by Balochistan. But unfortunately the sardars themselves did not favour development in their areas. Notably Akbar Bugti, who despite having been chief minister and governor of the province, hardly did anything for Balochistan, or even for Dera Bugti. An anti-Pakistan, anti-army and anti-FC sentiment was planted and gradually nourished, especially among the Bugtis, Marris and Mengals, by their sardars. Some efforts made in the 1970s to open up the area through the establishment of a communication infrastructure were strongly opposed and rejected by the Marris.

Continue reading Summary of Musharraf’s Article: You don’t get it, the Baloch deserve to be killed by the Army.

Wonderful article by Haider Nizamani – States do let go of territories

In an op-ed titled “Be strong, not hard”, published in these pages on February 21, Ejaz Haider problematises conflict in Balochistan and offers suggestions to Islamabad on how to tackle the crisis in the troubled province. The premise of his argument is on the assumption that all states are alike when it comes to dealing with people wanting to secede from them. He puts it unequivocally in following words: “Balochistan is indeed Pakistan’s internal issue. Those who want Balochistan to secede from Pakistan will get the state’s full reply. That too, given how states behave, is a foregone conclusion. Hell, states don’t even let go of disputed territories and care even less about whether or not people in those territories want to live with them.”

Historical and empirical evidence of the late 20th and early 21st centuries, fortunately, does not validate Ejaz Haider’s claim. States do care if people living in their jurisdictions want to stay under existing arrangements or not. Contrary to Ejaz Haider’s claim, states do let go of people and territories through peaceful means.

I will cite three cases where the states in question have behaved peacefully while dealing with political actors who have championed the cause of independence from them. My argument, therefore, is that not all states are alike and the outcomes of independence movements vary significantly.

Let us look at the former Czechoslovakia, a state where leaders peacefully decided in 1992 to split into two countries — Czech Republic and Slovakia. In 1989, Vaclav Havel’s Civic Forum led the peaceful movement against the communist regime. This movement because of its ability to affect political change through nonviolent means got the title of the Velvet Revolution. Viladimir Meciar’s Movement for a Democratic Slovakia emerged as a leading party in Slovakia demanding greater autonomy for the region. Unable to get along in a federation, the Czech and Slovak leaders passed the law on December 27, 1992 to go their separate ways. Three years into the Velvet Revolution, Czech and Slovakia opted for the velvet divorce.

The Quebec sovereignty movement in Canada is another case where the central government has chosen to deal with the demand for sovereignty through peaceful means. The Parti Quebecois (PQ), pro-sovereignty party in Canada’s second most populous province, was in power in the 1990s. The PQ held a referendum in the province in 1995 asking people if they would like to form an independent country. The PQ lost the referendum by a razor-thin margin of less than one per cent. The Canadian government, at no point, had indicated or implied the use of force to suppress the Quebec separatists.

Continue reading Wonderful article by Haider Nizamani – States do let go of territories

Retaliation for the assassination of Bugti’s grand daughter and great grand daughter?

Pakistan: 11 Soldiers Killed In Battle With Baluch Militants

By RFE/RL

QUETTA, Pakistan — Pakistani officials say militants in the southwestern Baluchistan Province have killed 11 soldiers in an attack.

A senior official in Pakistan’s military said two Frontier Corps posts near coal mines came under attack in the Margut area about 60 kilometers east of Quetta.

RFE/RL’s Radio Mashaal’s correspondent in Quetta reports that an ethnic Baluch separatist group called the Baluch Liberation Army claimed responsibility.

That group is comprised of members of the Bugti and Marri clans in the area to the east of Quetta.

They have been fighting since 2004 for political autonomy and a greater share of profits from Baluchistan’s oil, gas, and mineral resources.

More than 30 members of Pakistan’s Frontier Corps have been killed in Baluchistan Province during the past three weeks in clashes with Baluch rebels.

Courtesy: Rferl

http://www.rferl.org/content/soldiers_killed_by_baluch_rebels_in_pakistan/24470002.html

Pakistan: An Unstable State?

Pakistan: An Unstable State? featuring Prof. Aasim Sajjad Akhtar

Event – (Two times – two locations) Thursday, October 13

1) 12-2pm at York University (HNES 140)

2) 6-8pm at the University of Toronto (Rm. 1200, Bahen Centre, 40 St. George St.)

While mainstream depictions of Pakistan are focused primarily on a narrative of war, terrorism and instability, there is much more to understand about the rich diversity of the peoples of Pakistan and their day-to-day struggles against oppression and exploitation — whether it is peasant farmers struggling against military landlords, or Baloch & Sindhi nationalists struggling against the central state for greater autonomy and independence. The Pakistani state, too, is a complex institution, with its varying mechanisms of establishing control and extending it. Join us in a discussion with Professor Aasim Sajjad Akhtar (Yale, SOAS) of Quaid-e-Azam University as he explores some of the complexities of state and society in Pakistan, and proposes lines of struggle and engagement for progressive change.

Co-sponsored by: Committee of Progressive Pakistani-Canadians, Forum for Democracy in Pakistan, South Asian Peoples Forum, Pakistan Development Fund, OPIRG Toronto

A political revolution

By Rasul Bakhsh Rais

The passage of the 18th Amendment has set into motion, a remarkable, though slow, political revolution in restructuring Pakistan’s polity. This is far more momentous than restoring the parliamentary character of the constitution, or even granting provincial autonomy. The word autonomy cannot capture the true letter and spirit of the new federalism that is unfolding before us. Rather, it is about remodelling Pakistan’s political system according to a new principle of distribution of power, with the provinces as new centres of authority, power and resources.

Thinking of provinces as new centres of power and laying something down into the constitution to make them powerful, runs counter to both, the colonial tradition of supervising political evolution, and the centralised state and nation-building strategy followed for the past six decades. It goes to the credit of political parties and their leadership that they have realised that the old ways of governing Pakistan have failed and they needed to give a greater part of the power and resources of the centre, which had grown arrogant, paternalistic and insensitive to the provinces.

This structural change in the political order has created new conditions in which some groups and sections are bound to lose, while others will make gains. Who loses and who gains is an issue that will greatly impact the ongoing process of shifting power to the provinces, as the old, deeply entrenched political and bureaucratic groups fight to the last to save their little turfs and fiefdoms. In our case, the federal bureaucracy is the loser, as it cannot hope to rule the provinces under the guise of national integration, solidarity and security anymore. It will take a great deal of internal reflection on the part of the federal bureaucracy, as well as time, to adjust to the power shift. …

Read more : The Express Tribune

Afraid of devolution? -by I.A Rehman

WONDERS never cease. In the second decade of the 21st century, the transfer of power to the units of a federation has been made controversial! Efforts are being made to help the centre retain the privileges that rightfully belong to the provinces.

No student of politics will deny that Pakistan broke up in 1971 largely as a result of the policies designed to make the centre strong at the expense of provincial rights and aspirations. Nor can anyone forget that the failure to restore to the provinces what has always been due to them poses the greatest threat to the state’s integrity today.

We are also familiar with the arguments employed while calling for making the hands of one ruler or another strong. It was said the country faced so many threats that a centrally organised security edifice alone could preserve its integrity. The centre alone had the mental and physical wherewithal to achieve economic progress. In an Islamic state there could be only one centre of power and Pakistan had a special reason to crush centrifugal forces and fissiparous tendencies which were being fanned by the enemies of the state — democrats, secularists, advocates of the nationalities’ rights, separatists, et al.

For six decades, the politics of Pakistan revolved around the federal question. Any stratagem that could prevent the state from becoming a federation was in order — the fiction of parity, the abolition of provinces in the western part of the original state, the imposition of martial law and the state’s declaration of war against the majority nationality and the smallest nationality both. No wonder almost all democratic movements in the country have had their origins in the federating units’ struggle for self-government.The central demand was that the centre should keep only three or four subjects such as foreign affairs, external security, currency and communications. All other subjects — internal security, local government, planning, education and social welfare — were to be restored to the provinces.

It is in this context that one should examine the national consensus on re-designing the polity by meeting some of the main demands of the federating units. The endorsement of the 18th Amendment by all shades of opinion in parliament is nothing short of a miracle. It not only marks a giant stride towards realising the promise of the 1973 constitution, in several respects it surpasses the 1973 consensus.

Continue reading Afraid of devolution? -by I.A Rehman

No Surprise, they can deny the 18th constitutional amendment but they cannot hide themselves from the people of oppressed constituent units of Pakistan

Dar resigns as deputy chief of commission

By Amir Wasim

ISLAMABAD: In what appears to be a face-saving move, Senator Ishaq Dar of the opposition Pakistan Muslim League-N resigned on Wednesday as deputy chairman of the Parliamentary Commission on Implementation of 18th Amendment.

In a five-page letter to Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani, Senator Dar cited differences over the devolution of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) and transfer of assets and services of federal employees to the provinces as the main reasons for his decision.

Last week, the PML-N senator found himself in a difficult situation when reporters took him on during a news conference with the chairman of the commission, Senator Raza Rabbani, for defending the planned HEC devolution which was against the stance of his party. “I am not responsible for everybody in the party,” he said at the time. …

Read more : DAWN

CP of Pakistan’s 8th congress report

The 8th historical congress of the Communist Party of Pakistan was successfully convened and concluded from 11-13th April,2011, at Hyderabad city Sindh. The decision for holding the party’s most awaited congress,

Continue reading CP of Pakistan’s 8th congress report

Pakistan can no longer be ruled from Islamabad

National Integration – Masood Sharif Khan Khattak

Communication infrastructure, domestic tourism, undiluted provincial autonomy and bonding through the workplace play a vital role in the integration of a nation. Pakistan’s national integration has suffered immensely because these factors have never been crucially important to our leadership. Pakistan’s communication infrastructure is primitive, domestic tourism is non-existent, provincial autonomy only receives lip-service and bonding through the workplace is totally missing except in the armed forces. Uniform development across the country over the past sixty years would have solidly integrated the Pakistani nation but that did not happen due to absolute incompetence, poor leadership and corruption at all levels. The price Pakistan is paying for its neglect is in the shape of an internally disjointed nation forced to suffer the present-day indignities in the shape of terrorism and insurgency.

The political and military establishment must now understand that the military potential of any country is multiplied manifolds when it is backed by a nation that is well-integrated. An integrated nation can cover up for military shortfalls but military strength cannot cover up for the shortfalls of a nation that lacks integration and cohesion. The Soviet Union’s break-up in 1991 is an example that amply illustrates this aspect. Pakistan must, therefore, accord top priority to uniform development throughout the country in order to have a nation that can back its enviable military potential in a solid manner; if not, then all will be lost.

Nawaz Sharif deserves the credit for initiating the modern communication infrastructure of Pakistan that is so essential for the integration of a nation that lives in a country as big as Pakistan. The launching of the Lahore-Islamabad motorway by Nawaz Sharif in the early 90s was a huge step in the right direction. If the process had been initiated decades ago Pakistan today would have been a very cohesively integrated nation. …

Read more : PKcoluminist.com

Debate on HEC Devolution

by Dr Azhar A. Shah

In the context of present debate on the devolution of HEC when we present some facts and figures to support our arguments in favor of devolution; most of the opponents of the devolution have come up to negate these facts not by counter arguments and supporting evidence but by labeling it as a campaign for regionalism and provincialism. They issue directives to us to be Pakistani and stop this debate! To them, being Pakistani means surrendering the right to present our point of view on a matter which is directly related to the very field that we are an important stakeholders of!.

I think it is this attitude of opposing any argument/voice in favor of limited regional autonomy (decentralization, devolution, delegation, provinces’ rights ), which is guaranteed by the constitution of our country, that would further enhances the gaps between provinces and regions. We must learn to respect each other by considering all of us as equal citizens, as equal Pakistanis and providing every one a chance to participate in the debate with equal dignity without questioning her/his level of Pakistaniat! It seems a very mean thing to remind a person of his nationality (Pakistaniat) while she/he is debating a point in terms of academic discourse! Every one understands that not all the participants in the debate could be right. We could be wrong! But it doesn’t imply that we don’t think as Pakistanis!.

If I am showcasing the weaknesses, the faults, the troubles, the unfairness, the inequality of our system of our organizations, it is meant to be noted for correction, it is meant to be noted for improvement, it is meant to be noted for progress. We should get rid of that old feudo-military mindset that represses the ideas, that represses the creativity, and that considers every opponent ideas as enemy number one.

That said, I would present an example of how regional voice and concerns are being encouraged, supported and responded by the civilized societies of the world . Please respect the ancient civilization of our ingeniousness ancestors and refrain from further turning of our present society into militant society!

Courtesy: Sindhi e-lists/ e-groups, April 14, 2011

Bravo Raza Rabani: WARNING from Senator Raza Rabani for those who are creating hurdles in Provincial Autonomy

HEC ‘storm in a teacup’ spills over in NA

By Raja Asghar

ISLAMABAD: Pre-emptive politics. Conspiracy against provincial autonomy. Attempt to degrade parliament.

Such angry comments came from lawmakers as what Senator Raza Rabbani saw as only “a storm in a teacup” over mainly the financial devolution of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) to provinces spilled over in the National Assembly on Tuesday.

And when he received an apparently incomplete information during his speech in the lower house that the Supreme Court had issued a stay order against the planned devolution, Mr Rabbani, Minister for Inter-Provincial Coordination and Chairman of the Parliamentary Commission for the Implementation of the Eighteenth Amendment, remarked: “Probably we are writing a new history to stop parliament from legislation.” …

Read more : DAWN

Problems of Sindhi Nationalism – What way forward?

Written by Dr Beenish Shoro

Excerpt:

…. In Pakistan the national question exists in its worst form because Pakistan itself is an example of a failed nation state. Pakistan was created as a result of the partition of the Indian subcontinent as the British imperialists and the local/national bourgeois leaders feared that a united national liberation would not stop there but would move towards a social transformation that would overthrow landlordism, capitalism and the imperialist strangle hold. To avoid a socialist revolution they conspired and split the movement along religious lines that led to the reactionary and traumatic partition of a land that had more than five thousand years of common history, cultural and socio economic existence.

Pakistan was founded not as a nation state, but as a state made up of nationalities. Even the abbreviations which form the word Pakistan are a testimony to this fact. This corresponds to its belated character. … National oppression has been brutal and rough ever since the country came into being. ….

….the separation of Bangladesh, the inability to resolve regional and sectarian disputes, the inability to sustain a clear concept and direction to Pakistan’s Nationalism and finally failure to create a modern cohesive nation state.

Pakistan’s political system is dominated by elite groups. In addition it faces the dilemma of chronic military rule. ….

….Sindh, the southern most province of the state possesses one of the most varied demographical set-ups in Pakistan. There is a very fragile ethnic balance between Sindhis and non-Sindhis. After partition many of the immigrants from Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh in India moved mainly to Karachi, but also to Hyderabad, Sukkur and other cities of Sindh.

This massive influx of Mohajirs from India and other nationalities resulted in a greater control of people from this transmigration over the economy, jobs and posts in the state apparatus. Although this phenomenon had a greater impact on urban Sindh, the deprivation was felt also in rural Sindh especially amongst the Sindhi middle classes. The acquisition of State and other lands by Punjab Generals and other settlers further aggravated this feeling of national deprivation amongst the Sindhi populace. There are several other factors which fuelled these sentiments. ….

….At the heart of nationalist sentiments in Pakistan is the perception by non-Punjabis that the Punjabi nationality dominates the economy, politics, society and the state. There is considerable evidence to support this perception. First, Punjabis constitute a majority of the population, approximately 60%; second, they dominate the civilian bureaucracy and the military; third, the Punjab is by far the wealthiest and most developed province in the state. And this perception is ironically fuelled by governmental policies designed to assuage such perceptions. ….

…. G. M. Syed can rightly be considered as the founder of Sindhi nationalism. He formed the Sindh Progressive Party in 1947 and demanded provincial autonomy within a socialist framework. In 1953 he formed the SindhAwami Mahaz. G. M. Syed himself a middle sized landlord represented the grievances of that class as well. …

… There have been several movements in Sindh over the last 60 years but there are three very significant mass upsurges that shook the echelons of power in Islamabad. These are the movements of 1968-69, 1983 and to some extent that of 1986. All these movements had different intensities, character, orientation and motivations. …

Zia was the son of a Mullah who had migrated from Eastern (Indian) Punjab and was American-trained at Fort Bragg. His atrocities, his make up and his background were enough to provoke massive hatred from the masses in Sindh. Zia’s repression of the Sindh was no less than the brutalities of British colonialists inflicted upon the mass of the subcontinent and other colonies. All this unleashed a glorious movement of the Sindhi masses against the military dictatorship. Although this movement had significant nationalist overtones, fundamentally it was linked to the general class resentment against this regime.

The movement failed because the regime was able to foster ethnic and nationalist discord especially in urban Sindh and in other main cities and provinces of Pakistan. In Karachi the Pakistani state devised the instrument of the MQM, the Punjabi Pushtoon Ittehad, Islamic fundamentalists and other reactionary outfits to break the momentum of struggle that was developing along class lines.

Still the movement raged on. In such circumstances whenever national antagonisms coincided with class contradictions they became especially hot. According to the official figures 1263 innocent people were slaughtered by the army in rural Sindh while thousands more were injured. There are heroic episodes of resistance that have now become legends in Sindhi folklore. …

… In 1986 the movement in Sindh was actually the last nail in Zia’s coffin. …

… If we in Sindh should achieve “freedom” through the same phenomenon as in Bangladesh we may well get freedom from non-Sindhi capitalists, but we will be all the more cruelly exploited by Sindhi capitalists and landlords. These nationalists do not want freedom from poverty, misery, unemployment; they just want freedom to establish control over their own market where they could extract a huge surplus by squeezing the last drop of the workers’ blood.

The feudal landlords want freedom to exploit the peasants and working class …

… We will take revenge for the crime of partition of India through the formation of a Red Revolutionary Subcontinent. As Comrade Lal khan says, “The unification of the Indian subcontinent will be on a much higher plane than the 1947 Partition.” …

To read full article :→ Marxist.com

Injustices in Pakistan: Startling Disclosures of Federal Employment Figures

 

By Aziz Narejo

 

Sindhis and Baloch have been complaining about injustices to them since the inception of Pakistan. Be it the distribution of resources, apportionment in budget, provincial autonomy, water rights, share in economic development, expenditure in social sectors, education, health and infrastructure development, their involvement in the decision making process or their share in the military, the most powerful institution in the country, they are ignored everywhere. Their cries are never heard or even noticed at the highest levels.

It is even more unfortunate that the so-called human rights advocates, champions of the civil society, the ‘democratic forces’ and others proclaiming to be on the side of fairness in society also always ignore the voices from Sindh and Balochistan. After losing all the hope for any positive change, Baloch have finally decided to part ways with Pakistan. If it continues, Sindhis may have to make a decision too. …

Rea more : Indus Herald

Baluchistan

 

Free Baluchistan

 

by Selig S. Harrison

As the Islamist nightmare envelops Pakistan, the Obama administration ponders what the United States should do. But the bitter reality is that the United States is already doing too much in Pakistan. It is the American shadow everywhere, the Pakistani feeling of being smothered by the U.S. embrace, that gives the Islamists their principal rallying cry.

Evidence is everywhere of what the Economist calls “a rising tide of anti-American passion.” The leading spokesman of traditional Muslim theology, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), opposes the “war on terror” because “it is an American war” and blames a U.S. plot for the recent assassination of the moderate Punjab governor, Salman Taseer.

The endless procession of U.S. leaders paying goodwill visits to Islamabad, most recently Vice President Joe Biden, evokes sneers and ridicule in the Urdu-language press, accompanied by cartoons showing Pakistanis scratching fleas crawling over their bodies. The late special envoy to Pakistan and Afghanistan, Richard Holbrooke, liked free-swinging encounters with Pakistani journalists that left a trail of bitterness expressed in the Urdu media, but this did not deter Holbrooke and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton from return visits. …

Read more : National Interest

DHA: authority within authority

PML-N to oppose DHA bill in parliament

This draft is not only repugnant to basic tenant of the constitution but is also against the provincial autonomy, laws of Pakistan and international agreements,” said PML-N leader Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan.

ISLAMABAD: The Defence Housing Authority (DHA) bill may not be enacted into law as the main opposition party, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), has decided to vehemently oppose the bill whenever it comes to the parliament.

“Whenever this bill is tabled before the National Assembly, Muslim League (N) will play its historic role by opposing it,” said the N-League spokesman on Thursday. …

Read more : DAWN

A new social contract? — Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur

The Baloch have suffered immeasurably for their rights and there seems to be no end to it because there is a systematic and concerted attempt to thwart the Baloch attempts to secure these rights. In such a scenario, speaking about ‘new social contracts’ is absolutely futile. …

Read more : Daily Times

Kashmir Issue: Myth & Reality

By Dr. Ghulam Nabi Fai

Pointing out that (i) “India does conduct a ‘plebiscite’ every five years in the form of elections, nobody has ever questioned the elections in Kashmir as fake” and that (ii) “Kashmir is an internal matter of India” Mr. S. M. Krishna, the Foreign Minister of India ruled out any (iii) third party intervention. Earlier, Mr. P. Chidambaram, the Home Minister of India said that (iv) Line of Control could become an International Border and he also hinted that (v) autonomy could be an option.

Continue reading Kashmir Issue: Myth & Reality

Thousands attend Eid protests in Kashmir

The BBC’s Altaf Hussain: “The government is clueless as to what to do about it”

Tens of thousands of people across Indian-administered Kashmir have joined protests against Indian rule, following prayers to mark the end of Ramadan.

A government building and a police checkpoint were set on fire in separate rallies in the city of Srinagar.

The demonstrators carried green Islamic flags and chanted slogans demanding autonomy and freedom.

Seventy people have been killed in protests in Kashmir since June. But clashes are rare during Eid al-Fitr.

‘Lingering dispute’

Police fired warning shots and tear gas to disperse the protesters who attacked the police checkpoint near the Hazrat Bal shrine on the outskirts of Srinagar on Saturday, and burned the nearby offices of the state police force and the electricity department.

“We want freedom. Go India, go back,” the demonstrators chanted. “Our nation, we’ll decide its fate.” …

Read more >> BBC

… non-state actor terrorists in Punjab

‘Data Darbar had to be destroyed because of Ibn Taymiyya’ – By Khaled Ahmed

The state of Pakistan has deployed its non-state actor terrorists in Punjab. Because of the unclear charter of power of the state agencies linked to the army, parts of Punjab are succumbing to the power of the terrorists. South Punjab is vulnerable to three terrorist organisations. The Punjab government is now paying crores of rupees supporting ‘charities’ of one of them that it has ‘nationalised’ . A new perspective of the Seraiki Movement is gradually coming to the fore, reflecting the political dominance of Sipah-e-Sahaba and its offshoot, the Jaish. No one from among the backers of the Movement – known traditionally to be secular – is willing to even speak of the presence of the jihadi-terrorist organisations. One reason is that most of them want to lean on them to win the elections; the other may be the simple fact of intimidation and the subliminal acknowledgement of state patronage to the terrorists. A Seraiki Province in the coming days will be exclusively the domain of Sipah-e-Sahaba and its friends. It will be for the first time that terrorists posing as Islamic warriors against India and against the Shias of Pakistan will possess an entire province and its resources under the new constitutional dispensation of real autonomy.

Read more >> newageislam

Demands Fundamental Rights of the People’s Self Determination and Autonomy

by: Khalid Hashmani, McLean, Virginia, USA

One must admire World Sindhi Congress (WSC) for its continuous efforts to live up to the objectives of their charter. Relentlessly, this organization has struggled for the rights of Sindhis on many international fronts. Their diligent pleas, presentations, and persuasive arguments have resulted many Europeans to become familiar with the plight of Sindhis.

Continue reading Demands Fundamental Rights of the People’s Self Determination and Autonomy

Should Sindhi intellectuals speak with PML-N?

PML N President Shahbaz Sharif, CM Punjab, had invited writers, journalists and intellectuals from Sindh to hold dialogue on issues.

One of the leading Sindhi writer and young intellectual Barrister Zamir Ghumro while thanking Mr. Sharif had declined to attend the meeting. Mr. Ghumro, a young lawyer, who resigned from his commissioned passed bureaucratic job to seek career in law, belongs to a working class family from Khairpur, now practicing and law and working in Karachi, had written an article in daily Kawish (Monday January 12, 2009) articulating reasons for not attending that meeting, he had outlined some conditions that he believes PML N needs to fulfill if it wants any meaningful dialogue with Sindhis.

Barrister Ghumro had also suggested 8-point Constitutional Amendments in order to make current federation as true representatives of four provinces. He is very assertive in his views, Could he be assertive presenting same suggestions to PPP led government also, who too complain of distorted and unfair federation, but have so far failed to take any initiative to address the question of provincial autonomy, NFC and Balochistan issues, lip service is available in plenty. Mr. barrister Ghumro had expressed distaste and rejected MPL N ‘conservative social agenda’ which seems to impose on Pakistan.

Here are some excerpts from his article, while the attached document is in Sindhi, his complete article, those of you who can read it. “Punjab has benefited from federation of Pakistan in last 60 years, today Punjab has over 80% representation in the federal government. It controls economy and natural resources of the country. Democratic governments in Pakistan do not survive in country because ‘the forces’ who dominate governance of the country do not want to give up their domination. Thus Punjab, before initiating dialogue with Sindh, needs to in account this and decide what it has to offer now the provinces, If PML N is ready for these changes, then it should implement such objectives via parliamentary legislation, this act will create trust among political forces in other provinces including Sindh. Sindh will be willing to share power with PML N on the basis of principles not merely power.”

“Present attempts of PML-N are seen as attempts to undermine ‘democrat mandate of Sindh and Sindhi people, Sindh wants its ‘Right to Self-Governance’ be respected, if any political force of Punjab, in collaboration with ‘Establishment’ conspire to deprive Sindh and subvert political process, Sindhi writers will not be part of these efforts.

At present Sindh has two critical questions: First, National Rights on basis of Justice, Secondly, Better governance in province. The first question is concerned with federal government while second is Sindh’s internal problem, where of course people are not happy with PPP led government in province, there are differences in province among Sindhis on this but it should not used as reason to dismiss current democratic dispensation, it amounts depriving Sindhis of their democratic mandate.

Punjab must understand that “Sindhis consider respect to their democratic mandate which is self-governance above and over everything else, whatever comes to them bypass this right is lollypop for them. Because there cannot be ‘National Rights’ without ‘Right to Self Governance”.

Before holding dialogue with Sindh, PML N must not forget historically where are we standing: (the struggle for independent homelands by) Muslim majority provinces in British India showed that they refused to live under Hindu-domination, that was fundamental reason of separation/partition, we understand Bengal went separate from Pakistan because Punjab refused to accept Bengal’s dominance, in this background, then is it essential for Sindh to accept Punjab’s majoritarian dominance. In order to accept this majoritarian rule there has to be constitution, democracy and national rights, guaranteed in the constitution. Strengthening such a constitution would make federation strong.

For making such a compatible constitution in new century, make following amendments in constitution, and for this before PML N brings in 17th amendment, it should bring provincial autonomy bill first, only then we would believe that “it (PML N) is not bringing Punjab’s majoritarian rule”, provincial autonomy bill will establish trust among that provinces that PML N believes in federation based on principles.

PML N needs to bring at least following 8 amendments in constitution; only then one can trust their intentions:

1. PML N should work with PPP to abolish ‘concurrent list from constitution

2. Regarding Fiscal matters, General Sales Tax (GST) should be handed over to provinces, NFC should base on multiple criterion (instead of sole population base)

3. PML N should do away 1991 Water Accord and should work out a new agreement on the basis of 1945 water agreement between Sindh and Punjab.

4. All federal appointments, Supreme Court Judges to ambassadors should be done with Senate approval so that Punjab’s majoritarian dominance remained checked.

5. Natural resources including gal and oil should be given back to provinces, ensuring such transfer amendments should be introduced in the constitution

6. A Superior Federal Commission needs to be established which guarantee equal representation and share in jobs to all provinces

7. In case martial law is imposed Provinces should have “Right to Self-Determination’, which is given to nations by UN charter also

8. In order to strengthen Senate of Pakistan, on lines of American Senate, Senate should be strengthened

Pakistan’s experience shows that there is in-sufficient legislation to thwart and stop military take-overs and imposition of martial, in this regard PPP and PML N need to work together, federation should be volunteer not forceful.

Till this happens, we believe PML-N attempt to do away 17th amendment is guided by power consideration, not democratic principles, they have always attempted to impose Punjab’s conservative social order as they did in the past in 1990-91 Nawaz League introduced Shariyat Act, Qisas and Diyat and during his last government, Mian Nawaz Sharif even tried tobecome Amirul Moomneen.

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شهباز شريف جي دعوت ۽ پنجاب سان ڊائلاگ!
بئريسٽر ضمير گهمرو
تازو پنجاب جي وڏي وزير شهباز شريف سنڌ مان مون سميت ڪجهه دوستن کي لاهور اچڻ جي دعوت ڏني، پر نه ته ملاقات جي ايجنڊا ظاهر ڪئي وئي، نه وري ان جا سياسي مقصد واضح ڪيا ويا، بس لاهور جي شاهي فرمان تي سنڌ جي سياست ڪنٽرول ڪرڻ لاءِ سنڌ جي هڪ اهم حلقي کي پنهنجو ڪرڻ لاءِ اهڙي ملاقات جو بندوبست ڪيو ويو آهي. سندس اهڙي ڪوٺ ڏيڻ تي ٿورائتا آهيون، پر سنڌ جو عوام پنجاب سان ڊائلاگ پ پ دشمني وارن اصولن تي نه، پر وفاقي اصولن تي ٻڌل ايجنڊا تي ڪرڻ کان نٿو ڪيٻائي. سنڌ جي سياسي ايجنڊا ايڏي ڏکي به ناهي، جيڪا پنجاب کي قابل قبول نه هجي، پر پنجاب هميشه وفاقي اصولن جي ڀڃڪڙي ڪندي سنڌ جي قومي حقن کي پوئتي ڌڪيو آهي، ان ڪري پهريون ته نواز ليگ کي سنڌ جي زندگي ۽ موت جي مسئلن تي واضح موقف اختيار ڪرڻو پوندو، سنڌ جي جمهوري مينڊيٽ کي تسليم ڪرڻو پوندو ۽ ان ئي بنياد تي وفاق کي انصاف جي اصولن تي هلائڻ لاءِ ڪا ڳالهه ٻولهه ٿيڻ گهرجي، نه ڪي پاور پاليٽڪس جي بنياد تي. اقتداري سياست بنيادي اصولن طئه ٿيڻ کانسواءِ ڇسي ۽ خالي آهي، ان جو طرف ۽ قبلو هجڻ گهرجي. ان لاءِ ضروري آهي ته نواز ليگ پهريون پنهنجو موقف واضح ڪري ته هوءَ سنڌ جي جمهوري مينڊيٽ جنهن سان ڀل اسان کي ۽ ٻين کي اختلاف هجن، پر ان بنيادي اصولن کان منهن نه ڦيريندي ته وفاق لاءِ جمهوري بنياد مرڪزي حقيقت رکي ٿو ۽ سرڪار کي تبديل ڪرڻ جو اختيار اسٽيبلشمينٽ وٽ نه پر عوام وٽ هجڻ گهرجي.
ان ۾ ڪو به شڪ نه آهي ته نواز ليگ سنڌ ۽ بلوچستان مان گذريل چونڊن ۾ پنهنجي تڏا ويڙهه ڏسندي اتي پير پائڻ گهري ٿي ۽ کين اهڙو حق به آهي ته هو ننڍن صوبن ۾ ساست ڪري. ان جو بنياد هو ان ڳالهه تي رکي ٿي ته جڏهن پنجاب مان پاڪستان پيپلز پارٽي کي ووٽ ملي سگهن ٿا ته پوءِ سنڌ مان نواز ليگ کي ڇو نه ملڻ گهرجن؟ ان جو بنيادي سبب پ پ پ پاران وفاق کي جمهوري بنيادن تي آئين ۽ قانون موجب هلائڻ ۽ صوبن ۾ عوام جي Self Government وارو حق ڀل محدود سطح تي ئي سهي، پر ان کي مڃڻ گهرجي. نواز ليگ کي نه وسارڻ گهرجي ته اها جڏهن به اقتدار ۾ آئي، ان نه رڳو ان جمهوري بنياد کي ڌڪ هڻڻ چاهيو، پر سنڌ تي راڻا مقبول ۽ عليم عادل جو اقتدار مڙهيو. صوبائي اسيمبلي ۽ سرڪار کي گهر ڀيڙو ڪيو. ڪالاباع ڊيم جا اعلان ڪيا، ڄام صادق جي دور ۾ 1991ع ۾ سنڌ جي پاڻي وارو ٺاهه مڙهي ان کان به ڦري وئي ۽ 1994ع ۾ پاڻي واري سرڪاري نوٽيفڪيشن تي پاڻي ڏيڻ لڳي، جنهن ڪري سنڌ ۾ نواز ليگ کي ڪڏهن به مڃتا نه ملي، ڇو ته ماضي ۾ نواز ليگ جنرل ضياءَ ۽ رنجيت سنگهه واري پاليسي تي ڪارآمد هئي. اها وفاق کي آئين ۽ 1940ع جي قرارداد جي بنياد تي نه پر پنجاب جي شائونسٽ سوشل ايجنڊا تي هلائڻ چاهي ٿي. نواز ليگ ۽ سنڌي عوام جي اعتماد واري کوٽ يا Trust Deficit وڌندو ويو. هاڻي نواز ليگ جڏهن سنڌي عوام ۾ پنهنجي ان اعتماد واري کوٽ کي بحال ڪرڻ جو سوچيو آهي، جيڪا اڪ مان ماکي لاهڻ آهي ته ان کي سنڌي عوام لاءِ دعوت نامن جا شاهي فرمان جاري نه ڪرڻا پوندا، پر شهباز شريف ۽ نواز شريف کي سنڌ اچي عوام سان ڳالهائڻو پوندو ۽ پوءِ جيڪو به طئي ٿئي ته ان لاءِ عملي قدم کڻڻا پوندا، نه ڪي اقتدار کان ٻاهر ويٺل رٺلن کي استعمال ڪري سنڌي عوام جي جمهوري مينڊيٽ کي تارپيڊو ڪرڻو پوندو، جنهن تي نه ته ڪو سمجهوتو ۽ نه ڪا ڳالهه ٻولهه ٿي سگهي ٿي.
گذريل سٺ سالن ۾ پاڪستان جي اقتدار ۽ معيشت مان گهڻو فائدو پنجاب کي پيو آهي، اڄ به وفاق ۾ سندس نمائندگي 80 سيڪڙو کان مٿي آهي، معيشت ۽ قدرتي وسيلن تي سندس ڪنٽرول آهي. موجوده جمهوري سرڪار کي اقتدار تي هڪ هٽي قائم ڪرڻ واريون قوتون ان ڪري ئي هلڻ نه ٿيون ڏين ۽ معيشت تي ڪنٽرول ڪري جمهوري سرڪار کي پهرين ڏينهن کان دل سان تسليم نه ڪيو ويو آهي، ان ڪري سنڌ سان ڊائلاگ ۾ پنجاب کي پنهنجي گذريل 60 سالا فائدن کي ڏسي هاڻي ننڍن صوبن لاءِ سوچڻو پوندو. ان لاءِ جيڪڏهن نواز ليگ تيار آهي ته پوءِ پارليامينٽ ذريعي اهڙن قدمن تي کيس عمل ڪرڻ گهرجي، جنهن سان سنڌ ۽ ٻين صوبن کي سندس قيادت تي ڀروسو پيدا ٿئي. سنڌ اقتدار جي ڪري نه، پر اصولن تي پنجاب سان ڀاڱي ڀائيوار ضرور ٿيڻ گهري ٿي. موجوده سنڌ جو جمهوري مينڊيٽ ان مقصد لاءِ ئي آهي، جڏهن به سنڌ جي جمهوري مينڊيٽ کي پٺي ڏني وئي آهي، ان جو نقصان وفاق کي ٿيو آهي، ان لاءِ ضروري آهي ته نه رڳو سنڌ جي جمهوري مينڊيٽ کي دل سان تسليم ڪيو وڃي، پر سياست جو بنياد سازش نه، پر جمهوري اصولن تي هجڻ گهرجي. سنڌ جا وفاق ۾ جمهوري اصول طئه ٿيڻ کانپوءِ ٻه وڏا اشوز آهن. (1) انصاف تي ٻڌل قومي حق، (2) سنڌ ۾ بهتر حڪمراني جو راڄ. قومي حق وفاقي سرڪار سان لاڳاپيل آهن، جڏهن ته سنڌ ۾ بهتر حڪمراني سنڌ جو اندروني مسئلو آهي، جنهن لاءِ اسين سنڌي ڀل ته پاڻ ۾ ڏند چڪ ڏيون، جهيڙا ڪريون، پر وري به اسان ۾ پاڻ ۾ گڏجي هلڻ ۽ جمهوري اصولن جي پاسداري ڪرڻ جي صلاحيت موجود آهي. ان کانسواءِ مٿين ٻن اشوز کان پهرين اوليت رکڻ وارو اشو وفاق ۽ صوبن ۾ جمهوري حق ۽ Self Governance واري حق جي مڃتا آهي، ان حق کي جيڪڏهن پنجاب ۽ ان سان سلهاڙيل اسٽيبلشمينٽ جون ڌريون نه ٿيون مڃين ته هو مٿين ٻن اشوز تي اسان سان ڪڏهن وفا نه ڪنديون، ڇو ته بدنيتي تي ٻڌل سياسي اتحاد ديرپا نه ٿيندو. ان لاءِ ضروري آهي ته نواز ليگ سهپ ۽ صبر جو دامن نه ڇڏي ۽ ملڪ ۾ جمهوري اصولن جي انحرافي نه ڪري باوجود ان جي ته چارٽر آف ڊيموڪريسي ۽ مري ڊڪليريشن تي عمل نه ٿيو هجي. ڇا چارٽر آف ڊيموڪريسي ۽ مري ڊڪليريشن تي بدعملي کي جمهوري مينڊيٽ کي ختم ڪرڻ جو جواز بڻائي سگهجي ٿو؟ اها ساڳي ڳالهه پي اين اي 1977ع ۾ ڪري ملڪ کي ڪاپاري ڌڪ هنيو هو، ان وقت جڏهن سموريون پارٽيون جمهوري حڪومت خلاف برسر پيڪار هيون. ان وقت کاٻي ڌر جي اڳواڻ ڪامريڊ ڄام ساقي سرڪاري عتاب ۾ هوندي به جمهوري سرڪار جي حمايت ڪئي هئي. هينئر به شين کي ان پسمنظر ۾ سمجهڻ جي ضرورت آهي، جڏهن سرڪار خلاف پروپيگنڊا ان مهم جو حصو آهي. سرڪار جي مخالفت ڪرڻ لاءِ ايوان آهن ته پوءِ ان مخالفت کي دشمنيءَ ۾ تبديل ڪرڻ ملڪ جي عوام جي مينڊيٽ جي توهين جي برابر آهي.
پنجاب کي اهو به سمجهڻ گهرجي ته سنڌ جمهوريSelf Governance کانسواءِ قومي حقن توڙي بهتر حڪمراني کي پنجاب جو لالي پاپ سمجهي ٿي، ڇو ته قومي حقن جو تصور جمهوري Self Governance کانسواءِ بي معنيٰ رڳو ۽ ٺلهو نعرو آهي. پهريون قومي حق صوبن جي عوام جي وفاق ۽ صوبن ۾ جمهوري سرڪار قائم ڪرڻ آهي. ان قومي حق کي جيڪو ان قوم جي جمهوري راءِ يا سياسي طاقت Political will جو سرچشمو آهي، کي سياسي مصلحتن جي ور نٿو چاڙهي سگهجي. قومي حقن ۾ جمهور جي راءِ پهرين جاءِ والاري ٿي. قومي حقن ۽ جمهوري راءِ کي اولين حيثيت حاصل آهي ۽ بين الاقوامي طور تي گڏيل قومن پاران ڏنل حق خوداختياري ۾ اهو ئي جمهور جو حق ۽ راءِ ڪار فرما آهي. جڏهن نواز ليگ ان حق جي پاسداري نه ڪري رهي آهي ته پوءِ سنڌ سان ڪهڙي بنياد تي ڊائلاگ ڪندي؟ سنڌ ڪڏهن به سازش ۽ لالي پاپ جي بنياد تي ڊائلاگ تي ڀروسو نٿي رکي.
پ پ سرڪار سان کوڙ سارن اشوز تي سنڌ جون پارٽيون، گروپ، دانشور ۽ اديب سخت ناراض آهن، سندن طرزِ حڪمراني ۽ قومي حقن تي موقف تي اهي سڀ ماڻهو ناراض آهن، پر پ پ سرڪار سنڌ جي جنهن قومي حق جي ترجماني ڪري ٿي، اهو آهي سنڌي عوام جو اجگر قومي جمهوري حق، جيڪا سنڌي عوام جي جمهوري راءِ آهي. سرڪار جي نااهل هجڻ جو عذر ڄاڻائي ان حق تان سنڌي عوام دستبردار ٿيڻ لاءِ تيار نه آهي، اها ڪا پ پ سرڪار جي حمايت نه، پر سنڌي عوام جي پنهنجي قومي جمهوري حق جو احترام ڪرڻ آهي. ان جمهوري حق کي نه مڃڻ ۽ ناراضگي ۽ مخالفت جي بنياد تي سنڌي پارٽين ۽ دانشورن کي پنهنجي اڻ چٽي ايجنڊا ۽ موقف تي هلائڻ آپشاهي جو بدترين مثال آهي، ان ڪري ئي شهباز شريف سان ڊائلاگ سنڌ جي قومي مفادن ۾ نه آهي، ڇو ته هن کي پهريان صوبن ۽ وفاق جو جمهوري قومي حق مڃڻ لاءِ تيار ٿيڻ گهرجي ۽ ان کي تارپيڊو ڪرڻ لاءِ اسٽيبلشمينٽ ۽ بنياد پرست سياسي پارٽين جهڙوڪ تحريڪِ انصاف ۽ جماعتِ اسلامي سان گڏ نه هلڻ گهرجي. پنهنجي جمهوري حقن خلاف اهڙي سازش کي سنڌ جو عوام رد ڪري ڇڏيندو.
نواز ليگ کي سنڌ سان ڊائلاگ ڪرڻ وقت ان ڳالهه کي نه وسارڻ گهرجي ته تاريخي طور اسين ڪٿي بيٺا آهيون. هندستان جي مسلمان صوبن هندو اڪثريتي اقتدار جي خوف کان هندستان کان عليحدگي اختيار ڪئي. گڏيل پاڪستان ۾ پنجاب بنگال جي اڪثريتي حڪمراني کي قبول ڪرڻ کان انڪار ڪيو ته ڇا هاڻي سنڌ تي واجب آهي ته هو پنجاب جي اڪثريتي اقتدار کي قبول ڪري؟ ان اڪثريتي اقتدار کي قبول ڪرڻ لاءِ آئين هجي ٿو، جمهوريت هجي ٿي، قومن جا حق هجن ٿا، جنهن کي آئين ۾ تحفظ ڏنو ويو آهي. ان آئين کي مضبوط ڪرڻ سان ئي وفاق مضبوط ٿيندو. اچو ته ان کي 21 صدين جي گهرجن سان ٺهڪندڙ بڻائڻ تي ان ۾ ترميمون تجويز ڪريون. ان لاءِ نواز ليگ پاران صرف 17 هين ترميم ئي نه، پر پهريون صوبائي خودمختياري جو بل آڻڻ گهرجي، جنهن کانپوءِ ئي سمجهبو ته نواز ليگ پنجاب جو اڪثريتي راڄ نه، پر وفاقي اصولن تي ٻڌل قومن جا حق مڃڻ چاهي ٿي. ان لاءِ نواز ليگ کي آئين ۾ 8 (اٺ) بنيادي ترميمون تجويز ڪرڻ گهرجن، جنهن کانپوءِ ئي سندس ارادن جو پتو پئجي سگهي ٿو.
.نواز ليگ پيپلزپارٽي سان گڏجي آئين مان ڪنڪرنٽ لسٽ ختم ڪري.
.ناڻي جي معاملي تي سيلز ٽيڪس صوبن حوالي ڪرڻ ۽ باقي ٽيڪسز تي ٻڌل پول مان رقم گهڻ رخي فارمولا هيٺ ورهائڻ جو اعلان ڪري آئين ۾ اهڙي ترميم آڻي.
.پاڻي جي مسئلي تي نواز ليگ 1991ع واري غير جمهوري پاڻي ٺاهه کي هڪ پاسي رکي انصاف ۽ قانون تي ٻڌل سنڌ ۽ پنجاب وچ ۾ 1945ع جي پاڻي ٺاهه جي بنياد تي ٺاهه ڪرڻ جو اعلان ڪري.
.پنجاب جي اڪثريتي راڄ کان گارنٽي ڏيڻ لاءِ سڀ آئيني مقرريون توڙي وفاقي ادارن جي سربراهن، هاءِ ڪورٽ ۽ سپريم ڪورٽ جي ججن ۽ سفيرن جون مقرريون سينيٽ جي منظوري سان مشروط ڪيون وڃن. بنيادي قانونسازي پڻ سينيٽ جي اڪثريت سان منظور ڪئي وڃي.
.گئس ۽ تيل جو ڪنٽرول، جيڪو آئين ۾ گڏيل مفادن واري ڪائونسل وٽ آهي، ان جي مسلسل خلاف ورزي ڪري اهو ڪنٽرول صوبن حوالي ڪيو وڃي. آئين ۾ اهڙي ترميم آندي وڃي.
.صوبن ۾ ڌاري آبادي کي روڪڻ ۽ پنهنجي ملازمتن ۾ ٻين صوبن کي ڀاڱي ڀائيوار نه ڪرڻ جو اختيار آئين ۾ ترميم ڪري صوبن حوالي ڪيو وڃي.
.وفاق ۾ هڪ اعليٰ قانوني ڪميشن قائم ڪئي وڃي، جنهن ۾ هر صوبي کي هڪجهڙي نمائندگي هجي، جيڪا مختلف کاتن ۾ صوبن جي نمائندگي کي يقيني بڻائي. ان کي آئين ۾ تحفظ ڏنو وڃي.
.مارشل لا لڳڻ جي صورت ۾ صوبن کي حقِ خود اختياري جو اختيار ڏنو وڃي، جيڪو حق اقوام متحده جي چارٽر جي عين موجب آهي ۽ وفاق ان تي صحيح ڪري چڪو آهي.
.مٿيان اٺ اصول انصاف ۽ قانون تي ٻڌل آهن، ان سان نه رڳو مختلف صوبن جي ماڻهن ۾ فرق ۽ ويڇا ختم ٿيندا، پر وفاق کي هميشه لاءِ مضبوط جمهوري بنيادن تي هلائي سگهجي ٿو. آمريڪا ۾ اڪثريتي راڄ کي ختم ڪرڻ لاءِ سينيٽ بااختيار ۽ جمهوريت کي پهرين اوليت حاصل آهي. تجربي سيکاريو آهي ته جمهوريت خلاف آئين ۾ ڏنل Guarantees پائيدار ثابت نه ٿيون آهن. آئين جي آرٽيڪل 6 تي نه ته نواز ليگ ۽ نه ئي پ پ عمل ڪرائي سگهي آهي، ان ڪري وفاق کي رضاڪارانه بڻائڻ لاءِ ان کي ٺوس بنيادن تي استوار ڪرڻو پوندو.
نواز ليگ پاران سترهين ترميم آڻڻ اقتدار جي خواهش تي ٻڌل آهي، نه ڪي وفاقي ۽ جمهوري اصولن تي. هنن سدائين ڪوشش ڪئي آهي ته پنجاب جي سوشل ڪنزرويٽو ايجنڊا ٻين صوبن تي مڙهي وڃي، جيئن هنن پنهنجي دور ۾ قصاص ۽ ديت آرڊيننس 1990ع ۽ شريعت ايڪٽ 1991ع ۾ رائج ڪيو، يا وري امير المومنين ٿيڻ چاهيو. وفاقي نظام ۾ هڪ صوبو پنهنجي ايجنڊا مذهب جي نالي تي ٻئي تي مڙهي نٿو سگهي. ان لاءِ جنرل ضياءَ پاران آئين ۾ آندل ترميمن کي به ختم ڪرڻ جي ضرورت آهي، باقي اسٽيبلشمينٽ سان ٻٽ ٿيڻ ذريعي نواز ليگ کي اقتدار ته ملي سگهي ٿو، پر ان سان وفاق کي شديد خطرو لاحق آهي، ان ڪري اهڙي هلت کان پاسو ڪيو وڃي ته بهتر ٿيندو.
پيپلز پارٽي، قومي حق ۽ بهتر حڪمراني:
پيپلز پارٽي وٽ سنڌ جي قومي جمهوري حق يعني Self Governance وارو ڪارڊ آهي، جنهن کي استعمال ڪيو پيو وڃي. پيپلزپارٽي جيستائين ان حق کي بهتر حڪمراني ۽ قومي حق حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ استعمال نه ڪندي، تيستائين سنڌ مان به کين Challenge ملڻ جو خطرو آهي. بهتر حڪمراني ۽ قومي حقن جي ايجنڊا تي سنڌ ۾ نئين قيادت اڀرڻ شروع ٿيندي ۽ جيڪڏهن جمهوري طريقي سان اها پيپلزپارٽي سان چٽا ڀيٽي ڪري به ٿي ته ان ۾ ڪو حرج نه آهي. آئين ۽ قانون جي دائري ۾ پ پ سان چٽا ڀيٽي ڪرڻ ۾ ڪو حرج نه آهي، پر پ پ سرڪار جي جمهوري حق ۽ حقِ حڪمراني کي نه مڃڻ بدنيتي آهي. بدنيتي تي سياست ڪجهه وقت ته هلي سگهي ٿي، پر گهڻي عرصي لاءِ نه، بهتر حڪمراني ۽ قومي حقن تي ٻڌل سنڌ ۾ جيڪڏهن پيپلز پارٽي کي ڪا به مزاحمت ملي ٿي ته ان کي هروڀرو پ پ به برو نه سمجهندي، ڇو ته سياست ڪرڻ هر پارٽي ۽ ماڻهو جو حق آهي. پر ان چٽي ايجنڊا جي بنياد تي صوبن تي پنجاب جو اڪثريتي راڄ مڙهڻ لاءِ گڏجاڻين ۽ ملاقاتن ۾ وڃڻ جو جمهوري حق محفوظ رکجي ٿو. هينئر سنڌ کي وڏيرن ۽ اسٽيبلشمينٽ ٻنهي جي مخالفت ۾ سنڌ ايجنڊا تشڪيل ڏئي پنهنجي مڊل ۽ ووڪل ڪلاس تي مشتمل قيادت کي اڳتي آڻڻو پوندو،
اي نه مارن ريت، جو سيڻ مٽائين سون تي!
barrister-zamir@hotmail.com

Courtesy: Sindhi Daily Kawish.

Developing a proper method of accountability- Watchdogs on the judiciary, parliament, executive, police, or for that matter

Issues to consider

–  Aqil Sajjad

I’m listing down some political issues that we should consider taking up now that the deposed judges have been restored. Each one of these issues is very important, and we need someone to take it up.

1. Judiciary and police reforms:

..Developing a proper method of accountability for the judges because the existing SJC structure is flawed. – Reforming the lower judiciary. – Police reforms

2. Devolution:

This is very important because devolution has the potential to open up opportunities for ordinary citizens to enter electoral politics. Union councils are small, and you can contest elections even if you are not filthy rich. Once you have been a union councilor, you can gradually go on to contest elections for bigger constituencies and move up in politics.

Things to do: convince the media to have more constructive discussions on devolution, and promote the idea to the people at large, so that it becomes increasingly difficult for any government to roll it back.

3. Intra-party democracy:

This requires engaging with the media and political party workers at the grass roots to highlight this issue.

4. Demanding live debates on local radio:

Due to the wider reach of radio, and considering the fact that TV channels can generally only talk about national issues, there is a real need for local city/district radio stations to come up and hold live debates on local issues. During elections, the election commission should even arrange for regular structured debates at the local level for all constituencies.

We need to highlight this issue and press the govt to remove unnecessary restrictions and giving live debates proper air time on govt-owned local radio stations.

5. Corruption:

Highlighting the need for a constitutionally independent NAB, which can investigate and prosecute corruption cases against anyone including those in power without political interference.

6. Provincial autonomy:

A first step should be to make an attempt to understand what people outside Isb, Lhr and Khi think and want…

7. Constitution revue:

Understanding our constitution, and then determining whether it really serves our needs even if it’s restored to the original 1973 form. Then figuring out the kind of amendments that are needed for the genuine empowerment of the people. Some of the earlier points related to judiciary reforms, devolution, NAB and provincial autonomy would automatically be a part of such an effort, but here the goal would be to have a comprehensive review of the constitution rather than a single issue focus.

8. A political party Watchdog:

Looking at things like

a. The extent of intra-party democracy. This should include how party tickets are awarded.

b. Whether the parties have proper think-tanks for policy formulation.

c. Whether the parties have competent people and intra-party mechanisms for bringing such people forward.

d. whether there are any intra-party mechanisms for accountability, how many members of the parties have criminal or corruption cases etc.

e. How many of the MNAs and MPAs elected on party tickets are lotas with a history of switching loyalties.

9. Media watch:

This can include things like

a. keeping an eye on the political connections of newspaper and TV channel owners, and making knowledge of such connections well known to the public;

b. keeping track of whether journalists are consistent in applying the same principle. Example: if someone said that Iftikhar Ch should be restored when he was first removed by Musharraf, then did they continue to propagate the same position when the PPP came into power or did they suddenly do a ‘lota’ on this?

c. rating various talk-shows on the diversity of guests they invite, so that our national discourse does not remain monopolized by a very small group of people.

d. Pointing out instances of yellow journalism.

10. Other watchdogs:

Watchdogs on the judiciary, parliament, executive, police, NAB, or for that matter, any regulatory authority, like PEMRA or SECP.

March 28, 2009

Court ban on Shrif brothers- A Sindhi prespective

A sad day for justice and democracy in Pakistan

by Khalid Hashmani, McLean

It is indeed a sad day for democracy and justice in Pakistan. Even though the policies of PML-N in general and Nawaz Sharif in particular have been anti-Sindhi and anti-provincial autonomy, the recent actions by the controversial judges of the Pakistan Supreme Court and subsequent imposition of Governor’s rule in Punjab should be unfit.

Taking one step forward to restore democracy and justice in Pakistan and two steps back does not bode well for the future of Pakistan. The same politics of agitation and supressing opposition of yester years continues to prevail, bringing Pakistan one step closer to becoming a failed state.

Feb 26, 2009

Jeay Sindh Leader Bashir Qureshi appeals World to help liberate Sindh

Bashir Qureshi
Bashir Qureshi

(Editor’s Note: Bashir Qureshi is a Sindhi nationalist leader, he heads his own faction of Jeay Sindh Quami Mahaz (Long Live Sindh National Front) based on ideology of late G.M. Syed who called for independence of Sindh from Pakistan in 1970s. G.M. Syed was founder of movement for independent  Sindh into a separate country he called “Sindhudesh”, that means land of Sindh. Qureshi lives in Karachi, originally hails from a small city of Larkano district called Rato Dero. He became prominent when he was student leader in early 1980s at Tando Jam University, where he was studying. It is not confirmed that he completed his graduation from there or not because he was frequently arrested and remained in jail for several years.)

On January 5th, 2009  Syed’s birth day was observed in his ancestral native village called Sann.
Few passages of speech made by Bashir Khan Qureshi, Chairman JSQM are taken from Sindhi newspaper “Awami Awaz” (means voice of people) are given below;

G.M. Syed is an ideological leader not only of Sindh but of globe, Syed considered Pakistan’s creation precarious not only for people of this country but for world at large”. This reality is now established universally that Pakistan’s existence is precarious not only to region but world at large.

We consider meaning of Pakistan as Punjabistan. Madeleine Albright, the former U.S. Foreign Secretary of State/Minister, said openly that “Pakistan is a Migraine for the world”. International Community committed error by not accepting G.M. Syed’s advice, and now this same mistake should not be repeated again, to get rid of religious extremism, international community should support Sindhis, Bashir Qureshi said.
“We Sindhis, though are stronger than Balochistan in terms of ideology but in fighting and resistance Balochs are far ahead than us. We demand end to operation in Balochistan and fully support independence of Balochistan, and further demand freedom and independence of all nations who have separate existence, he (Bashir Qureshi) said

The Birth Anniversary of G.M. Syed was attended by some five thousands men & women on January 5, coverage of the event widely reported on January 6th 2009.

Background: At present there are four major groups/parties following into the political footsteps of late Jeay Sindh group led by Bashir Qureshi called JSQM is considered to be successor of G.M. Syed’s movement and most popular among its Jeay Sindh’s workers.

Other groups are JSQM-Areesar Group and Jeay Sindh Mahaz-Junejo Group, the fourth group is led by Syed’s own family called Sindh United Party (SUP), it is led by G.M. Syed’s grandson Syed Jalal Shah, who is a former member of Sindh Assembly and Deputy Speaker & acting speaker of Sindh provincial assembly. SUP has moved from demanding separation of Sindh to provincial autonomy of Sindh while remaining into Pakistan’s framework. Where as other three groups still demand independence of Sindh.

Tibet dreams of full autonomy dealt big blow

Britain’s decision to recognize China’s authority and Dalai Lama’s fragile health seen as setbacks

Bill Schiller (from Asia Bureau): Beiging- It is finally over, then for Tibet? Chinese government officials said flat out this week during a televised press conference that the Dalai Lama will “never” win the autonomy he seeks for Tibetans. But there was something decidedly different in their delivery. The normal Chinese defensiveness over its dealings with the Dalai Lama was gone. Demeaning references to the dastardly “Dalai clique”? Gone too. The usual over-the-top invectives, hectoring and virtual finger-wagging? All gone.

Instead, Chinese officials seemed strong, sure-footed, even smug in reporting on recent talks with the Dalai Lama’s representatives. And why not? Some say Tibet has now been stripped of the last vestige of what many believe was its legitimate, legal claim for special status within China. While the world was swept up in the heights of Obama-mania and the depths of a financial meltdown, Britain changed its policy on Tibet– and that makes all the difference.

Continue reading Tibet dreams of full autonomy dealt big blow

Illegal Take-over of Sindh Coal Authority by Federal Government

By Khalid Hashmani

WE condemn the illegal action of the current government to transfer the control of coal resources from the Sindh government to the federal government. This action is undemocratic, anti-people and violation of the principle of provincial autonomy. I demand that the government immediately cancel the announcement and announce a new provincial coal authority with majority representation of Sindhis including a representative from the local area and only one representative from the federal government.

I am drafting an online petition to press on the demand for a new Coal Authority that will be circulated soon. I hope that every Sindhi and other patriotic Pakistani will sign it.

Courtesy: Sindhi e-lists/ e-groups.