by: Jami Chandio
There have been different and opposite points of view about the emergence and existence of MQM in political and intellectual circles. MQM has been calling itself the product of the tyranny of circumstances. And the blame for this was first leveled against Sindhis and now apparently the establishment is charged with it. A great bulk of the Urdu speaking intellectuals has been holding a similar point of view. Majority of the Punjabi intellectuals have suffered from a lack of clarity in this regard. And, except for a few of them, they have been keeping away from a categorical expression, in this regard due to political opportunism. Sindh, so far, has not produced political intellectuals with enough and incisive scientific understanding of the circumstances, whereas, some writers and political circles have been there with a stance in this context. I too have been tackling it for the last 18 years on occasions at policy level. In these contexts, I have never been pressurized by the idea as to what conflicts of understanding could germinate from this. I have always considered it my primary duty to write about the major and fundamental issues related to Sindh. And since MQM has also been an important issue concerning Sindh, it has been among my basic intellectual responsibilities to lay before the Sindhi public my readings on it.
In my view, two clear factors caused the birth of MQM. And the marriage of these two factors was what not only gave birth to MQM but also provided the strong foundations for its life. These two factors were:
(a) Migration was not a part of the pact of partition deal. During the discourse and drag of partition, the point that Muslims will migrate from one place to another has never been broached. In the uppermost leadership of Muslim League, accepting Jinnah, the majority was from the Muslims of UP and CP, who were Urdu-speaking. They took the newborn country to be a wealth gained without much sacrifice or struggle. They had no political, historical, social, cultural or economic linkage to this newly born political entity. There was no area present here for them. Thus, as they needed to found stable political base here, the migration of the Muslims of UP and CP was their plan. Punjab did not give them place. N.W.F.P and Balochistan were not among their preferences; therefore, they were settled here, in the cities of Sindh, as a part of strategy and viable benefit. From the very first day, the bases of the politics of ruling class of the Urdu-speaking people were laid upon the collision and discomfort with Sindhis and upload superiority. All the record is preserved from Liaquat Ali Khan to Nawab Muzaffer and from Nawab Yamin to Bhopali. Till the end seventies, the reins of their politics remained in the hands of their upper class. In the eighties a runaway youth of their middle class, Altaf Hussain, made the same politics more evidently by laying the foundations of the racist politics on the basis of “Mohajir” identity. Bit by bit, he also gained tremendous popularity in the Urdu-speaking people. However, his politics was the continuity of the same politics of Liaquat Ali Khan, Nawab Muzafar, Nawab Yamin and Bhopali.
(b) Sometimes, coincidence and inter-linkage of different interests play an important role in history. It was a similar edge when establishment, having been frightened by the unity, struggle and resistance in the movement of 1983, began to think of a strategy to counter it. It did not notice the struggle of 1983 till the restoration of so-called democracy; it knew that after Bengal only Sindh had the foundations and factors for a powerful national democratic movements. And, therefore, they were frightened by the movement of 1983 and were on the lookout for a permanent solution. And a firm solution they did find for this in the politics of Altaf Hussain. Both the sides had their own motivators and interests. But this unholy alliance of theirs brought new reasons and foundations for the political disruption of Sindh. The whole record of how MQM was nourished, brought up, matured and organized during the regime of Gen. Zia is preserved in the pages of history. This is the brief history of MQM and for the proof its every aspect, the total record is at hand. Only the honestly observing and apprehending eyes are needed. Therefore, it may be safely concluded that MQM is not the logical result of inevitable circumstances. Rather, it is the existence that is an outcome of the blend of these two illicit interests.
2. What MQM has given to Sindh so far?
MQM’s character can only be realistically understood when it is observed as to what it has given to Sindh since coming into being. It cannot just be evaluated on the basis of its tall claims. To do this, its multi-dimensional analysis is a must, otherwise, as well; nobody can be judged on the basis of its tall claims in this world. Which cruel man, despot, killer and plunderer till today have presented himself in his real shape and have regarded him self wrong? Even Hitler presented himself as a nationalist. Let us analyze some of the aspects of MQM’s politics and character.
(a) Establishing the rule of terror:
The greatest gift given by MQM to Sindh is terrorism. Sure, there were many deficiencies in the political culture of Sindh before this. But the establishment of the rule of terrorism is solely the product of MQM. Like every fascist side of the world, their basic strategic weapon is also terrorism. Answer to every political opposition is terrorism, answer to freedom of speech is terrorism, answer to opposing the party is terrorism, the style of blackmailing the state is terrorism, and answer to peaceful democratic political competition is terrorism. Countless corpses and people victimized in torture cells are a proof to this. And among the victims of their terrorism are not just Sindhis; there opponent Udu-speaking people have also been targeted by this. The examples of Hakeem Saeed, Moulvi Salah-u-ddin and Azeem Tariq are among the important proofs in this connection.
(b) Blocking the routes of peaceful democratic politics:
MQM was created by the establishment solely to block the ways of peaceful democratic politic in Sindh. So it was because a peaceful democratic politics was likely to strengthen the Sindhis. When terrorism was introduced in Sindh, it blocked the path of the politics of peaceful democratic competition which in turn, vulgarized the politics.
(c) Increasing the conflict between the Urdu and Sindhi-speaking public:
It is true that there had sprung up opposition between the Sindhi and Urdu speaking public on the issues of many political, social, cultural and economic view points which were caused by illicit migration, snatching the cities of Sindhis, imposing Urdu as a national language and many other reasons. But these differences were not permanent. A healthy consistent and long process of democratic competition would have minimized these differences and enhanced the chances of the real merger of Urdu speaking people with the Sindhis. But MQM’s politics-which is based on narrow ethnicity, animosity to Sindh and terrorism- took this process in the opposite direction and the differences prevailing between the two peoples were increased and expedited. Whatever MQM claims with its tongue, but practically, it wants to keep this conflict present and on the increase, because otherwise, there remains no reason for its existence. In case of a decrease in that conflict the Urdu speaking public will begin to get near to the Sindhis through a peaceful democratic politics and the Sindhis will also accept them whole heartedly. MQM as an important cause and motivator for the existence of the conflict between the two peoples and this very conflict suits the strategy of establishment as well.
(d) Keeping the Urdu-speaking public a hostage through terrorism:
MQM has not only harmed the Sindhis; it has also dealt a deadly blow to the legal and consistent interests of Urdu-speaking people. The greatest proof of this is that a great majority of the community is held by MQM a hostage through terrorism. The freedom of the Urdu-speaking public is sabotaged. They have no right to have disagreements with MQM either within or without the party on political front. Only the political minority attached with Jamaat-i-Islami or any other organized political side is a bit free one to some extent. Had not the majority been sabotaged by them, and had it got the choice and freedom of politics, and had they been a part of the lines of the extensive peaceful democratic politics, the very map of the politics of Sindh would be different now. But MQM has closed the routes of this likelihood through terror.
(e) Using Sindh government against the interest of Sindhis:
From the moment MQM was raised, Sindh assembly and government has remained a hostage to them. Whenever, MQM is in the opposition, the assembly and government become hostage to it through terrorism, and when it is in the government, it does the same through authority and rule. However, in either of the cases, Sindh has not seen a free assembly and government. Though there are many other reasons for this, the most important reason for this all is MQM. In this very system, the rest of the three provinces have the authority and space to from their own governments, but the majority population of Sindh has been deprived of this right. It is no more a secret now that the establishment does not want there to be the government of the majority of the people of Sindh- That is Sindhis- in the provinces, very same is the aim of MQM. It is their unholy alliance that has distanced the Sindhis from the authority and rule of the province. Now the establishment has, through the good office of agencies made many small parliamentarian groups of Sindhi feudal and opportunist middle class and put them in the pockets of MQM. What has been the function of the Arbabs of Thar, Shirazis of Thatta, Pir Pagara group and a number of independent candidates other than making MQM the sole authority-wielders of Sindh? What does MQM do after coming intro power in Sindh? And whose rights does it attack? For this any of its governments maybe taken as a case study. The present government is a glaring example of this. The present accomplishments of dividing Sindh’s districts on the basis of ethnicity, predating and snatching the resources of the province are the latest.
3. Wrong concepts and hypothesis about MQM:
Forged wit and illegal interests has been the centuries old weapons of spreading wrong concepts and hypothesis about misdeeds. Impositions will not succeed if the people do not get duped. Down the centuries, this has been the practice of kings, looters, killers, robbers, religious plunderers and all the other evil-doers. Public friendly individuals and groups are duty-bound to spread awareness among the masses regarding the realities and increase their evaluatory and realistic consciousness by analyzing these baseless concepts and hypothesis.
MQM has also spread quite a few misleading hypotheses about itself. And, in this, it has been aided by the establishment and the hostage Urdu journalism. And among the victims of MQM’s propaganda are not just the common masses. Rather a host of sensible ones also fell a prey to this. Let us analyze some of such propagandas.
(a) MQM is an anti-establishment party:
The greatest lie that has ever been created by MQM is that it is an anti-establishment party. Whereas, in fact, it is the very creation of establishment and has been surviving the troubled waters solely because of the establishment’s aid. Let us analyze on the basis of certain fundamental questions as to whether MQM is really an anti-establishment party.
(1) Can any party create the rule of terrorism without the backing of establishment?
(2) Has any of the terrorists of MQM been hanged or otherwise punished with hundreds of murders to their account?
(3) Has any of the serious murder case against any of the leaders of MQM been led to its conclusion to date?
(4) Have any of the cases against leaders of anti-establishment parties been cancelled in the way they have been cancelled in favour of the MQM leaders in every regime?
(5) Does the establishment play such an active role to bring into power any of the anti-establishment parties as it does in the case of MQM?
(6) Can any anti-establishment party get such license for malpractice in Pakistan as MQM has got?
(7) Can establishment appoint a known terrorist of any of its opposite parties as the representative of federation- that is governor- in any of the provinces?
(8) Can establishment give such control and authority of administration, in the machinery of state, to any of its antagonists as it is and has been giving to MQM?
(9) Can any anti-establishment party so openly support a military dictator as MQM has been supporting Musharaf?
(b) MQM is a middle class representing party:
Middle class is regarded an assign and torch bearer of enlightenment. That is what MQM has always been labeling itself- as the representative of middle class! And this fuss they repeat ad nauseam solely to project themselves as an enlightened image of themselves. But not every middle class party is enlightened democracy loving and even middle class friendly. However, rather than indulging in a detailed analysis, let us probe into a few basic questions in this regard and see whether MQM really is a middle class friendly party.
(1) Can any terrorist party be middle class friendly?
(2) Can any party snatching money from shop-keepers and traders via terrorism be middle class friendly?
(3) Can any party against free media and freedom of expression be middle class friendly?
(4) Can any party that disturbs peace and creates in-conducive conditions for the growth of trade be middle class friendly?
(5) Can any party that kills opponents and murders the difference- bearing elements within it be middle class friendly?
(6) Can any party blindfoldedly following a terrorist leadership be middle class friendly?
(7) Can any party creating rule of terror, instead of discussion, dialogue and knowledge in the educational institutes be middle class friendly?
These and many other questions, when thought over, can easily lead us to the conclusion that MQM has been and is dealing a deadly blow to the political, economic and moral arenas of Sindhi and Urdu-speaking peoples of Sindh.
(C) MQM is against Punjab and feudal Class?
It has been circulated, at all levels, right from the beginning, that MQM is against the feudal class of Sindh and Punjab. Examining the last twenty years, character of the party would prove this statement of the party to be the bigger lie. In order to raise MQM as a threat to Sindh, the establishment, right from the beginning, has been trying to portray MQM as anti-Punjab party. And to keep intact such impression, MQM goes to the extent of speaking against Punjab, but the million dollar question here is which policy and step of MQM has truly harmed the interests of ruling class of Punjab. And the reality is, in shifting the industries and trade centers of Sindh, the support was received from none other than MQM, and thus, it made the game easier for the establishment. MQM has always been a strong ally on the side of the rulers in the assembly or government. The question here is which of its steps, in politics, moving the bills or even any resolutions have harmed the monopoly of Punjab? On the other hand, each of the steps, character or policies of it has always deadly harmed Sindh and its people.
It is also a big lie that MQM is against the landlords and feudal. Regular observation leads us to them as the real allies and obedient followers sold patriarchs, feudals and neo-feudals of Sindh. With whose help does MQM form government in Sindh and with whose support does it occupy the authority and command the resources of Sindh? The feudals of Sindh are the strategic need of establishment and MQM in Sindh. The “fraud mechanism” which protects their illegitimate interests in Sindh can only work through the good office of these very feudals and neo-feudals as MQM has been running so far. Therefore, eyes and ears must turn away from the empty jargon of MQM and get focused instead on their real character. Things must be seen and analyzed, from various dimensions, as to which side MQM is the real ally of and deadly against whose interests it is working in fact. As matter of fact, MQM is against Sindh and Sindhis and is the beloved ally of the establishment and the big landlords of Sindh.
(d) MQM has changed its earlier character?
MQM with the help of hostage Urdu media and the establishment has been spreading ever new false hypothesis and misguiding the public. The latest lie, spread by it is that it has changed its prior character and has thus become a democratic and Sindh-friendly party now. If MQM is the sincere friend of democracy, Sindh and Sindhis, then democracy and Sindh do not need any other enemy. Before starting this drama, the top leader of MQM began to call him self Sindhi. He started the pretensions even of wearing “Ajrak” and “Sindhi Cap”. Dramas were staged to show adoration for Shah Latif. Telephonic addresses of Altsaf Hussain to address Sindhi writers, intellectuals and journalists were arranged in different cities. The matters extended to seeking apologies for the past doings. Sane people to be turned fond lovers of MQM overnight. Some even got themselves registered for the membership of the party. Those who observe politics on basis on factual interests, rather than seeking it on its face value had already warned the Sindhis that this new drama of MQM will bring even more heinous results than observed in the past. But all limits were crossed in Sindhi media by the feats of penmanship in the support of MQM. Today, now that MQM is again in with the peoples’ party on the government benches in Sindh and at the center, the curtains of its disguise and fake politics are shedding and realities are again coming to the fore before the eyes of public. The so-called” nationalist” political parties and intellectuals that left no stone unturned in giving explanations in the support of MQM must now be repenting inwardly and suffering the pricks of conscience but for all good political work morality is a must. At least, the propaganda that MQM has now transformed into a Sindh-friendly party is now torn as under.
4. MQM’s new drama and the new strategy of establishment:
Apparently, there appears to be no moral link between this new drama of MQM and the new strategy of the establishment. When we observe from the strategic point of view, the politics of MQM and the strategies of the establishment for the last few years, with a probing eye, we can easily understand the story of their collusion. As soon as Gen. Musharaf took over the charge of the country, MQM started to pretend as Sindh-friendly. This was done in a bid to minimize the chances of resistance on the part of the Sindhi people against the character of MQM and the anti-Sindh policies of Gen. Musharraf; For example:
(a) Musharraf govt. placed the MQM supported Urdu-speaking personnel under the quota of Sindh at all the important offices all over the country, and needed no concurrence from the Sindhis for this.
(b) Sindhi bureaucrats were sidelined and the MQM supporting Urdu-speaking officers were handed over every iota of the authority in Sindh and again there was no required level of resistance to speak of, from the Sindhi-speaking public.
(c) A pro MQM plan for district governments by Gen. Tanvir Naqvi, and implemented by Gen Musharaf. MQM was made to stage the drama of boycott! There was no amount of resistance on this account either.
(d) After much deliberation and a tooth and nail effort, the Sindh govt. was handed over to MQM and for this as well, a due amount of resistance was nowhere in sight.
Was it all possible without MQM’s pre-drama of Sindh-friendliness? MQM did even feign to part ways with the govt. on the issues of Shaista Almani and Dr. Shazia. On the crucial issues like Greater Thal Canal, Kala Bagh Dam and NFC Award it didn’t feel it advisable even to stage any such a drama a drama. The way MQM has now begun to divide the districts of Sindh in a series, we get clear signals of the fact that it is on attack on the unity of Sindh and a part of the strategy to diffuse the hold of Sindhis on the centers like Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Nawab Shah and Mirpur Khas. One and a half crore population wielding city Karachi is not being divided. Instead of it, the cities and districts like Hyderabad, Sukkur, Nawab Shah and Mirpur Khas are being divided to create MQM majority electorates and to hand over the political hold of these cities to MQM. And, while all this is going on, MQM has continued to feign as Sindh-friendly.
Establishment wants to attenuate and break PPP, the strongest parliamentary side of Sindhis, at all circumstances. PPP’s own distracted character and party condition it has also made this target of establishment easier. Establishment has made arrangements, with the aid of agencies, that wherever PPP gets weakened, and a substitute for it, no better organizations should come into play. Rather, it relies upon the groups of feudals supported by agencies, in this context. Examples of Thar Parkar, Thatta, Larkana, Ghotki, Shikarpur, Sanghar and many other districts may be quoted in this regard. In all these areas, the agencies have made backbreaking efforts to raise against PPP their beloved substitutes and, in this, they have achieved a considerable progress. That is, it is a clear-cut policy of the establishment to raise MQM and these small groups of feudals in parliament as a substitute for PPP. This formula has been operated, step by step, since Jam Sadique. Jam Sadique, Muzzffar Shah, Liaquat Ali Jatoi, Ghous Ali Shah, Ali Muhammad Mahar and the recent past government of Arbab Rahim are the glaring examples in this regard. Who, among them, was an independent chief minister? Who, among them, did not work as the puppet of MQM and the establishment? Establishment wants to retain this model of governance in Sindh as a permanent substitute for PPP and this very thing is the basis and motivating factor for MQM’s new drama. Gen. Musharraf has expedited the process of this strategy and the action on its plan. That is, the right to rule is to be snatched from Sindhis, on one hand, and, on the other, in Sindh only such a government is to be made existent as should be the obedient followers of the establishment and which must not, at the policy level, play any substantial role in defending the national interests of the Sindhi public. Definitely, this all, neither was nor is, possible without this new drama of MQM. In future, these feudals, who are the beloved and dear political offspring of the agencies, will not take time to be a part of MQM. The spiritual secret of it all is to snatch the right to rule from Sindhis in Sindh. This has been, partially, accomplished, since a long time but the establishment wants this settlement to be permanent and acting on this is not possible without this drama of MQM. In order to come forward with a solution, in this context, it must understand this matter fully. This new game-plan of MQM and establishment is much more dangerous and disastrous than all their previous strategies.
5. The hypothesis and reality of the inclusion of Sindhis in MQM:
Since the time MQM started the drama of friendliness with Sindh, efforts are being made to create the impression that Sindhis are getting enthused to enlist as the member of MQM, devious arrangements were made to register some Sindhis in MQM, in order to prove this. This also needs to be looked upon with a probing eye.
Despite all the other weaknesses of the Sindhi people, their political understanding has been relatively stable, better and informed and democratic. Therefore, their viewpoint of and attitude towards MQM has stood as steadily and stake as before. One section of Sindhi landlords is in PPP. On the other hand, it’s openly opportunist section of feudals will play the cards of politics as the agencies would decide for it. The establishment has been working to raise them as different powerful groups at district level so that they should come up as a substitute for PPP and they seem to have adopted this very track. In Sindh, on the upper level, they have always been put in the political pockets of MQM like the strategic capital for political gamble. Certain elements from the middle class Sindh have, of late, got near to MQM. This element can not be called a representative of the middle class of Sindh. However, this sure is a new emerging attitude. Let us observe as to which are the elements from Sindhis that are trying to be a part of MQM? and what are the reasons behind this?
(a) Criminal element among Sindhis:
One element among the Sindhis is of professional criminals who, otherwise as well, have been seeking refuge in nationalism or, via agencies, in politics. From the time, MQM opened the doors for Sindhis to get included in MQM; there have started the golden days from such elements as they could not have got such refuge elsewhere. It is a proven fact that the criminals can not even think of doing free politics. These criminals get, to some extent, the freedom to sovour their personal criminal and political interests. But, basically, they work for the advancement of the goals set by the agencies for them. People getting membership of MQM, for the most part, of this type and this can, in no way, be called a trend in Sindhi middle class and public.
(b) Opportunist and baseless political individuals:
The Second element, among the Sindhis having become a part of MQM, is of elements that are, practically, divorced from public and the democratic politics. Despite this, they want to get ahead through short-cuts and backdoors. In common language, they may be called opportunist and unpopular politicians and rootless political individuals. They do this, because MQM can quickly and easily get them to the power corridors, as it has already done this for many of them. But, it is quite evident that such opportunist individuals can neither be called to represent the middle class, nor can their opportunist be termed as public trend.
(c) Opportunist intellectuals and writers:
One, among the Sindhi elements having sided with MQM is of some opportunist intellectuals and writers. This element is ever-ready to find fault with the momentum and direction of the various struggles of national and democratic nature, but has, with one signal from MQM come down to its knees, to sacrifice every thing. And, neither can this be called to represent the majority of Sindhi writers and intellectuals. For example, Ali Ahmed Brohi became a member of MQM. But when was he, anytime in retrospect, a man of principle and when was he the writer and intellectuals who fought for the public cause shoulder to shoulder with masses? He supported dictatorial regimes in every age, and never did him, not even unconsciously, public friendly elements. Only those handfuls of Sindhi intellectuals and writers got inspired by MQM whose past is full of the shadowy stories of opportunism. Yes, a few such Sindhis, however, became a part of MQM who had to, later on, repent for this. They did so far having been, transitorily, carried away with superficial lip-service of MQM due to their lack of political understanding, practicalism and hope. In this group were the people like Ibrahim Munshi. Ibrahim Munshi had, himself, confessed before me his haste and dearth of political acumen. In this respect, some of the basic reasons for the membership of some of Sindhi intellectuals and writers in MQM are as under:
(a) Opportunism and search for personal interests.
(b) Lack of political consciousness, understanding, experience and far-sightedness.
(c) Their remaining distant from the public and not believing in the strength of their powers as a nation.
(d) Their being impractical and getting dejected due to this very approach. That is so because one can believe in one’s strength and get freedom from disappointment only after public support and a practical approach. Mentally, their defeatist outlook in the national context.
6. How and what should be the basics of the counter strategy of MQM?
As MQM’s existence is not a simple political question, its counter-balance is also not possible with simple politics or strategy. German Philosopher Friedrich Angels said that neither can the solution for simple problems be complicated, nor can the solution for complicated problems be simple. This universal principle is also applicable on MQM. In my opinion, the Sindh friendly groups and individuals should, find a solution in the matter of MQM challenge finding their commitment to their national course and long term well-being of their people the establishment, step by step, in the following different lines. Of course, this answer and solution is neither quickly possible, nor can we get the desired outcome with simple methods.
(a) Sindhis must get politically organized by in the big cities:
It is quite correct that Sindhis were practically driven out from their cities by the exodus of Sindhi Hindus and the influx and settlement of the immigrants. Nevertheless, today, after a long process of history, the Sindhis are again present in the big cities in a great number. No political party has been able to organize them on political and organizational basis in the big cities. It is high time to do this in a peaceful democratic way. The Sindhi national democratic political parties should increase their activities in the big cities, particularly in Karachi. The suburbs of Karachi are, politically, helpless and the middle class residing in the cities is, practically, cut off from them. As a result of that, the strength of Sindhis has not got organized in the big cities, especially Karachi, to the required level. Getting organized and engaging in their nationalist democratic political activities in the big cities, especially Karachi, would give them public strength on nationalist political side and the impression that Sindhis are loosing hold of cities will diffuse.
(b) Consistent advances must be made through peaceful and progressive democratic politics:
The best, invincible and durable political weapon of Sindhis-who are an exploited nation, circled by problems from al sides- is the continuous advancement of their peaceful democratic process. Though the establishment wants to destroy PPP and replace it with a substitute suited to its needs, the Sindh-friendly nationalist and democratic forces should, fill the gap through a peaceful democratic struggle with the help of public. The more this gap will grow big, the easier would be the task of MQM and establishment to take advantage of this. The only possible counter balance that could destroy the balance of power of MQM and establishment can only be had through an increase in the national strength resulting from a continuous peaceful democratic struggle.
(c) MQM should be isolated on national and world level on the diplomatic front:
One of the big and strong bases of the strength of MQM is its deceptive diplomacy. MQM may well be counted among the most organized groups of the world who are quite advanced in their deceptive diplomacy. They have a network of diplomatic links all over the world. Whereas, the diplomatic contacts of the Sindhis are at this point of time, no match to theirs. This circle is very limited even on the domestic level, what to speak of the international one. Apparently, there may not seem to be coming up instant an answer for this, but through the process of constant struggle and strategy, a definite solution for this can be found out both on domestic and international level. The reasons for the successful diplomacy of the Sindhis can be as under:
(1) Sindhis have not used diplomacy up to the required level as a political weapon. This ground of struggle is lying vacant for them.
(2) The foundations of the effective diplomacy of the Sindhis are legitimate and based on the truth and genuine nature of their public concerns and their case.
(3) The enemy may be denounced through realities, awakenings and our own claims maybe brought to light in the same way.
(4) The Sindhis have got a world famous reference of history and civilization to get them introduced to the world.
(5) Sindhis live in every nook and corner of the world. From them maybe secured residence, their political and diplomatic benefits and support.
(6) We can present our case before the world in a more effective way with the help of modern revolution of communication, cyber world and the substitute ways.
(7) More effective and vibrant global diplomatic forums can be established in various regions of the world especially USA, England and Europe.
(8) Atmosphere can be made all over the world to bring the Sindhis closer to each other, through a real network socially, politically and culturally.
(9) A united national viewpoint of the nation can be aroused and built presented regarding the permanent national interest, despite the differences in political stance.
(10) The case of Sindhis can be presented globally on the basis of the recognized human rights and international rules.
(d) MQM’s policies must be brought to light before public and the world:
A party like MQM can neither be understood nor tackled with simple politics. For this, advanced political thinking, strategies and methods of struggle are required. Fraud, feigned and empty dramatized cries of the looter and the repetition of falsehood are the political weapons of MQM. They can be tackled through a process of denouncing their policies, beside other things, before public and the world at large. The chances of their success can well be minimized by dealing a deadly blow to their power through peaceful democratic means which would be to make known, before the public at home and the world at large, their policies, strategies and steps, in time and consistently. According to the science of strategy constantly exposing the maneuvers, policies, interests and deceptions of an enemy is equal to dealing him a deadly blow. The only condition is that all these ways must be based on truth and peaceful democracy. Sindhi public has not used this effective weapon of modern political technology, at a required level, to its total advantage. The more it is used on a wider scale, the better will be the resulting outcome and the foundations of the strength of the enemy will grow weaker.
Despite the fact that the majority of the Urdu-speaking people support MQM, Sindhi public, their representatives and intellectuals should differentiate between MQM and the Urdu-speaking people. There are certain weaknesses and constraints in the public of every society due to certain circumstances. Yet the difference among the entire public are transitory and solvable. This same universal principle can be and must be applied on the Urdu-speaking public. MQM is a fascist and terrorist party, with certain interests, which fact is also invalid unjust and false its weakness as it gives intrinsically against urdu-speaking people too. That is why we should always differentiate between MQM and the Urdu-speaking public. MQM would, definitely, want to be known as the sole representative of the Urdu-speaking people, but this is not justified in anyway. We should support all the legal human, social, cultural, economic and moral interest of the Urdu-speaking public and should see the interests and policies of MQM as a different phenomenon. This attitude is right both from the viewpoints of principle and strategy. Through the following methods, this difference can be clarified and the required targets may be attained.
(1) By expressing closeness and fraternity, at every level, with the Urdu-speaking people.
(2) By bringing closer to us the bright minded, democracy-loving and people friendly Urdu-speaking intelligentsia.
(3) By doing political activities on the mutual and vital interest and issues with the Urdu-speaking public.
(4) By developing contacts with the enlightened and conscientious Urdu-speaking writers and intellectuals and establishing a united democratic forum with them.
(5) Expediting the united social and cultural activities.
(6) By encouraging the national democratic and ideological politics, instead of the racial one.
(7) By making the Urdu-speaking public aware that their lawful permanent interests are bound with Sindhis and Sindh and the way of MQM is the way of destruction for all.
(8) Growing constantly awareness in the Urdu-speaking public that the politics of MQM is, fundamentally, a threat to their permanent legitimate rights and the results of the terrorist politics of MQM would be one way or the other, harmful for them.